Thus, fatwas from competing sources, which might seem a rarefied set of scholarly writings about the fine points of religious teachings, are actually part of an intensely political struggle about who should speak in the name of Islam. However, in a few countries-such as Jordan, Lebanon, and Palestine-a completely distinct (though still official) court system, or set of systems for recognized sects, deals with marriage, divorce, and inheritance. Moreover, even a unified account of Lebanese history is elusive, with the result that-as with other areas-schools are effectively licensed to develop their own set of teachings for each subject. Lebanon does have state schools, but many Lebanese prefer to enroll their students in private schools, which a majority of schoolchildren attend-and where religious affiliation is common. Most states in the region have a mufti (which in Arabic translates as a fatwa giver), whose opinions are sought by state actors needing guidance on questions of religious law. Some states have sought to combat such fatwas because they often advance interpretations that are unusual or radical.

But for the most part, Lebanon’s civil courts and its political authorities defer to the sectarian courts and allow them full autonomy.6 The courts and religious leadership are thus organically linked to their own communities, but they speak with the power and authority of the Lebanese state on matters under their purview. In recent years, some Lebanese have launched legal campaigns for civil marriage, securing some limited victories. But these stations have since been joined by legions of preachers, inspirational speakers, advice-givers, talk-show hosts, fatwa-givers, and more didactic broadcasters. I may be a little more guarded than usual. Non-Muslims are exempt from official instruction about Islam, and if believers of other religions are sufficient in number, the state may allow them their own parallel religious classes and books, sometimes organized and licensed by a given country’s ministry of education. But there is no way to compel believers to resort to official bodies or designated figures in search of such guidance. For Arabs wishing to have such matters officially recognized, there is no way to avoid the monopoly of state structures.

When religion offers guidance on family life, it often does so through state structures. Courts and other official actors, such as prayer leaders in mosques, have sometimes recognized the need for unofficial or nonbinding mediation, and they have sometimes offered such services or sought training for their personnel in family counseling or mediation. This framework does not exclude unofficial actors, however, who may be sought out for mediation or arbitration, especially in family disputes. Berakhot 9:5. However, by the time of the Talmud, it was the custom to use substitute Names for God. Maintaining this physical vitality, however, may require Sagittarians to strike a balance between their restless spirit and the need for consistent self-care. Qur’anic verses refer, whether explicitly or implicitly, to the need to force an apostate to return to Islam or to kill him if he refuses to do so. You need only to look. He talks a good Hegelian game about the dignity of religious community, but actually he soars above it. Consequently, the problems discussed above will likely continue to be important ones for political philosophers in the foreseeable future. States generally do not have a full monopoly over education-many countries also have a network of private schools, sometimes more prestigious than public ones.

The effect is more cacophonous than coherent. Unofficial or unrecognized mosques (or those recognized but not effectively overseen) are common, especially in more populous, fiscally strapped countries in the region. There are three occasions in the gospels when the voice of God is heard, and the hand often represents this in visual art. We studied the three main western religions and visited a synagogue, a church, and a mosque. When believers pray in the Arab world, the state often asserts its presence. For many top religious officials, the forest of fatwas simply confuses ordinary believers. Talk of “unregulated fatwas,” which are portrayed by religious authorities as being of poorer quality than those produced by official religious representatives, has intensified in official media in many Arab countries. Many Asian Indians are Buddhists. Both forms of state support are not uniform with regard to the various religious communities. Lebanon’s constitution not only avoids any mention of an official religion but, as amended in 1989, commits itself to the abolition of political “confessionalism.”5 Though confessionalism is not comprehensively defined in the text, it is understood as a system in which specific shares in state institutions are reserved for different religious communities and political arrangements are, effectively, negotiated among their leaders.